This is both a summary and a review of BBC’s flagship current affairs programme, Panorama, which last week tackled the issue of legal aid cuts and the phenomenal rise in the number of litigants in person (LIPs) now using the courts in civil and family cases.
The programme, entitled DIY Justice, was first aired on Monday 30 March 2015 and is currently still available via BBC i-player.
If you have personal experience of being or assisting a litigant in person and/or watched the programme, please feel free to add a brief comment at the end. (Please note that comments are moderated before publication and should not infringe the rights of others or the law in general.)
Background
As the programme made clear, there have always been self-represented litigants in the English court system, but not nearly so many. The phenomenal rise in their numbers has come about chiefly because of the drastic cuts to the legal aid budget, implemented in relation to civil and family cases by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 (LASPO), which came into force on 1 April 2013.
The programme traced the history of legal aid back to its birth as part of the post-war welfare state, and gave the former Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, Ken Clarke MP, quite a lot of airtime to explain the reasons for the Coalition government’s cutbacks.
It trotted out the usual Ministry of Justice spin about the “fat cats” on the legal aid “gravy train”, but it also gave a right of reply to the law firm identified as having made the biggest gain from legal aid, solicitors firm Duncan Lewis, who earned £15.8m in 2011. Their response was that, divided among their 19,000 clients, it represented only around £800 each. Moreover, far from being fat cats, most legal aid lawyers were on annual salaries of between £22,000 and £40,000. This hardly equated to a gravy train.
The programme also gave airtime to judicial critics of the cuts, notably retired Court of Appeal judge Sir Alan Moses, who said there should be “equality under the law … irrespective of [people’s] means” and, more trenchantly:
“I am quite certain that if you don’t allow those who can’t afford it legal assistance, more and more serious miscarriages of justice will occur. It seems to me inevitable that that will happen…”
Case Studies: family justice
The main substance of the programme was the four case studies in which reporter and presenter Raphael Rowe followed ordinary people trying to present their cases in court without the assistance of a lawyer. Three of these concerned child custody disputes.
There was John, an engineer from Huddersfield, who was in a child custody dispute with his ex-wife. He was on benefits but could not get legal aid. He seemed quite organised with his paperwork, had read books about law and also what looked like business manuals or self-help guides. But crucially, he had put on a crisp white shirt WITH CUFFLINKS for his court appearance. He seemed to think this would give him an edge. (Given the amount of dressing up the legal system involves, he may have had a point.)
Then there was Rochelle, who was trying to win custody of her little girl after recovering from a mental breakdown, including being “sectioned” (ie compulsorily admitted to a hospital under section 2 or 3 of the Mental Health Act 1983). She was being helped, somewhat helplessly, by her father, who confessed to being quite confused by all the court papers and forms to be filled in. Rochelle herself expressed rather well the sense of baffled alienation a litigant in person feels in court:
“You’re staring at the judge and he’s telling you this needs to happen, and this needs to happen, and this needs to happen, but like, to me it’s like, what are you talking about?”
In another case “Jane”, an anonymised victim of violent domestic abuse, suspected that her former partner (who had a conviction for abusing her) was now being violent towards their child. But as it was more than two years since her own abuse she was unable to get legal aid under the current criteria, which in any case are very hard to meet. So she was going to have to bring the case herself. That meant she was going to have to question the alleged abuser.
Another judicial critic was quoted here. His Honour Judge Nicholas Crichton said:
“I think it’s shocking that a woman should be put in a situation where she has to cross-examine her abuser.”
When it came to the point, Jane couldn’t face it. She walked out of the courtroom, feeling sick. It seemed to her that there was no one on her side to back her up. “All the odds were against me”, she said, “the whole process was just a waste of time”. The judge ordered that her former partner should be allowed to have supervised access visits.
Meanwhile, Rochelle, having failed to get exceptional case funding, was unable to afford an expert witness to support her claim to be capable of looking after her daughter. The child’s father, on the other side, had a solicitor. Rochelle walked out of court because, in her perception, the court was listening to everything the solicitor on the other side was saying and nothing that she was saying.
Although she later went back in, she admitted that she had been too emotionally involved to be able to sit quietly while the other side was presenting their case, and to stick to the rules of procedure (where basically you take turns to speak). In the end the judge had to stop her and ask the witnesses questions on her behalf.
When, later, she received a copy of the judgment, she struggled to read what she found a “detailed, complex” document, and wasn’t happy to learn that she had lost. The judge had concluded it was in the best interests of the child to continue living with her parental grandparents. Rochelle had spent two years and £800 on her case, but if she had got legal aid it would have cost the taxpayer an estimated £10,000. (It was unclear where this estimate came from or who had arrived at it.)
Of the three family cases followed in the programme, only John (with the cufflinks) turned out to have been successful. He had competed with paid professionals, and had won. But he had done a lot of research. It had taken over and he had “almost not had a life”. (He was not asked how far the cufflinks may have boosted his chances of success, but the fact that he had thought of them at all indicated an attention to detail which was probably symptomatic of his approach generally.)
Case study: personal injury claims
The programme considered another area in which the civil legal aid cuts had bitten hard: claims for damages for personal injury. The litigant in person this time was Jason, who was pursuing a medical negligence claim over the unexpected death of his father soon after undergoing heart surgery. He had given up his job as a lorry driver to fight the case himself.
Having been told he would need a medical expert to support his claim, he wrote to lots of heart specialists but in the absence of a fee none of them would help – save one. Professor Danny Keenan felt Jason’s letter “touched a chord” and agreed to look into the matter. He seemed to appreciate that what Jason wanted was some form of vindication to enable him to reach closure, after the brush-off he’d received from the NHS Trust. His report ratified what Jason thought and gave him the ammunition needed to proceed to trial. But the case never got to court. The defendant NHS Trust made a settlement offer without any admission of liability.
Jason made the following observation:
“If you kill someone in the street or if you accidentally kill someone in a hospital, a death is a death and it needs to be answered. So I don’t see it as a private case, I see it as a necessity that people should be brought to book. They should be made to face the consequences.”
Conclusion
Judge Crichton said: “The courtroom is a very frightening place for an ordinary member of the public.” This was certainly borne out by the experiences of the three litigants in person whom the programme followed into the family justice system. In Jason’s case he never got to court, but the process of getting there had certainly proved daunting.
The programme gave some insight into their experience, but it would have been even better if we’d been able to see the court proceedings for ourselves. For obvious reasons (they involved children), that was impossible. You can only take transparency so far, and this is where the door of the court can legitimately be closed to public view.
The programme remained neutral and objective and did not appear to take sides on the question whether the public purse should be funding all these claims. Yes, it quoted Sir Alan Moses saying that access to justice should be universal, and supported where necessary by public funding, lest miscarriages of justice should (and they would) occur. But it also quoted Ken Clarke MP saying he was only in favour of public funding if it was in the public interest, not if it was just to give litigants a better chance of winning. He also said it was all very well funding legal aid if the money was available, but it couldn’t really take precedence over the health service and education.
Postscript: Are the cuts a false economy?
One point that emerged was whether, in practice, the legal aid cuts had failed to achieve the hoped-for savings. It was said that a judges’ report had found that cases involving litigants in person took around 50% longer than those with representation. This was echoed in something Sir Alan Moses said about the additional difficulty for judges trying cases with self-represented litigants. The government had said the figures did not show this. But, if true, it would mean that money saved on legal aid was simply being frittered away again on judges and court staff being engaged in longer court hearings. That suggests either fiscal incompetence or (as some are suggesting) that the cuts are really part of a wider agenda to roll back the advance of the welfare state.
Although the programme didn’t go into this in detail, it has been the subject of some debate elsewhere. Rather than extend this already overlong post, it will be discussed in a separate post on this blog.
Paul I will try and be brief. Problems I have encountered:
. Failure by court staff over a period of three weeks to issue the right application form to a LIP, insisted on giving them the wrong form four times even though the applicant asked for the right one in the first place. At the last visit to the public counter the LIP was handed the Red book and told to find the the form number themselves.
.A LIP applying for exceptional case funding and getting a refusal letter back that could have been written by Sir Humphrey out of Yes Minister. The applicant was a domestic violence and rape victim and there were other significant human rights breaches of Article’s 6 and 8
.Solicitor’s failing to copy LIP’s into correspondence
.A domestic violence victim who received a decree absolute before ancillary relief and now cannot obtain legal aid as they have been separated from the violent partner for more than two years.
. Widespread experience of non compliance with orders by lawyers especially local authority solicitors (perhaps not now!)
. A baby being snatched by an abusive father when the mother threatened to leave him. He has a solicitor , she now has supervised contact.
.The fee remission form EX160 has 29 pages of notes and is difficult to decipher.
.Above all the sheer emotional toil when you consider what is at stake, so very well expressed by the mother. No mother wants anyone else to bring up their child , it goes against all maternal instincts
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Just to prove that not only lawyers rattle on . I have one further thing to say for now, then will SHUT UP.
There is a father posting on various forums who is desperate for help. He was told to leave the family home after being charged with a criminal offence , he was cleared. However since then Children’s Services have not allowed him to go home and placed him on supervised contact (supervised by local authority staff) all without going to court. In the last couple of months they have changed their tune and they say it’s his wife that is keeping him away and she has been made to sign a letter of agreement. I think this has been ongoing for 17 months. The father has uploaded various documents heavily redacted onto forums and has tried all the normal routes MP ,complaints procedure etc.
I realise that he may be only tell his side of the story,but as far as I can tell he is focused on his children and wife and he has cooperated with the local authority. The local authority simply threaten care proceedings if he speaks to his wife or would attempt to return home .
Here is a post of his I copied:
“Over the last few months, I have been trying to find a solicitor that deals with the “Human Rights Act”, as I want to find out, and have it in writing if the police and or local authority have indeed been breaching my Human rights.
I have contacted no less then 30 solicitor’s firms that claim to deal with Human rights issues. but as of yet not one single firm / solicitor has been able and or willing to take on my family’s case and or answer my most basic question “Has my family’s human rights been violated”.
From the responses I have got back it seems as soon as you mention anything about the local authority being involved the solicitor will just run for the hills or just turn round and say you need a family / child law solicitor.
From various documents I have been able to find and read regarding the Human Rights Act, I feel very strongly that the police and or local authority have and are continuing to violated my family’s human rights.
Article 3 – No torture, inhuman or degrading treatment.
Article 6 – The right to a fair trial.
Article 7 – No punishment without law.
Article 8 – The right to respect for private and family life.
Article 12 – The right to marry and found a family.
To me it seems that the Human Rights solicitor clearly know that having any kind of dealings with the local authority is going to be a dirty job and they just want to keep there hands clean.
I really can not be leave that non of the Human Rights solicitor’s are able and or willing to take on the case, or even just confirm details for me.
Please let me know your thoughts.
Best Regards.
Skype: heartbrokenfather2013
email: heartbrokenfather2013{at}gmail{dot}com
heartbrokenfather
Posts: 90
Joined: Tue Jan 14, 2014 8:36 pm
Location: Hampshire, UK ”
Should this father not be eligible for legal aid? I am writing this on Easter Sunday, the day of celebration of a man who was killed without trial and then rose again. Whatever you believe about that I believe that people should not be accused, their families broken up and not have the chance to answer those accusations. This is what has happened to this father.Can anyone assist him or signpost him to some help please.
I had two fundamental problems with the Panorama programme. The first was its many inaccuracies, particularly over the role of a litigant in person. There seems to be confusion about an LiP’s responsibility to represent themselves and what this means; Rochelle could not be represented by her father, which the programme implied, nor, more seriously, could she be represented by an expert witness. Although filming in a family court was obviously not possible, the strange card model which was a dominant feature of the programme was very misleading, and resembled a criminal court more closely than it did a family one.
Secondly, the programme failed to mention the numerous sources of help and support available to LiPs. I understand the programme makers filmed some FNF meetings which ended up being omitted, but there are other organisations which can help both fathers and mothers – including FNF, Wikivorce, MATCH, etc – and plenty of other resources both online and in bookshops. Representing oneself is undoubtedly challenging, but it needn’t be quite as lonely a task as the programme made out.
I would suggest Judi’s Hampshire-based father could see what support is available near him – I’m in Hampshire, too, and although I am not a member I am aware that FNF run regular meetings which are free to attend.
It was interesting to see Kenneth Clarke defending LASPO; I accept the need to reduce costs, and although individual lawyers may not have grown particularly fat on legal aid, it has certainly allowed the industry to swell. I forget the exact figures, but whereas there was one lawyer for every 3 or 4 thousand people in the 1960s, there was one for every 600 by 2000. That situation was never going to be sustainable and there is no reason why taxpayers should pay for litigants to have lawyers when there are other, cheaper and more effective alternatives.
What Clarke should have been challenged on was the haste with which LASPO was introduced and the lack of measures in place to compensate. The Government massively miscalculated the effect on mediation, predicting a huge increase, whereas the reality was a very substantial drop because the Government failed to appreciate that people were being referred to mediation by their lawyers.
The courts still seem to be in turmoil and the reforms under the Children and Families Act haven’t yet sunk in – only last month I saw an LiP who had been given old court leaflets advising him about contact and residence orders despite the fact that these have been replaced by child arrangements orders. It certainly doesn’t help litigants that these reforms have been mismanaged and public information is so hard to come by. Many couples are simply staying out of the courts and away from mediation, meaning that many who need support are not getting it. The long term effects of that are incalculable.
Following the Panorama programme, Full Fact have done some number crunching here.
https://fullfact.org/law/diy_justice_vital_reform_legal_aid-41090
One of their observations is that there is no conclusive evidence that LiP cases do take longer.
Its unreal what this program has uncovered. I have got to say though this is only for a handful of people who have let the justice system down. I won a case last month with Qamar who are a Criminal solicitors, Huddersfield, The justice system is still very fair. I believe our justice system is one of the best in the world especially when you compare to America.